Winston Churchill:
The Darkening International Scene

Waldorf Astoria Hotel, New York
March 15, 1946


When I spoke at Fulton ten days ago I felt it was necessary for someone in an unofficial position to speak in arresting terms about the present plight of the world. I do not wish to withdraw or modify a single word. I was invited to give my counsel freely in this free country and I am sure that the hope which I expressed for the increasing association of our two countries will come to pass, not because of any speech which may be made, but because of the tides that flow in human affairs and in the course of the unfolding destiny of the world. The only question which in my opinion is open is whether the necessary harmony of thought and action between the American and British peoples will be reached in a sufficiently-plain and clear manner and in good time to prevent a new world struggle or whether it will come about, as it has done before, only in the course of that struggle.

I remain convinced that this question will win a favourable answer. I do not believe that war is inevitable or imminent. I do not believe that the rulers of Russia wish for war at the present time. I am sure that if we stand together calmly and resolutely in defence of those ideals and principles embodied in the Charter of the United Nations, we shall find ourselves sustained by the overwhelming assent of the peoples of the world, and that, fortified by this ever-growing moral authority, the cause of peace and freedom will come safely through and 'we shall be able to go on with the noble work-in which the United States has a glorious primacy-of averting famine, of healing the awful wounds of Hitler's war and rebuilding the scarred and shattered structure of human civilisation. let me declare, however, t at the progress and freedom of all the peoples of the world under a reign of law enforced by a World Organisation, will not come to pass, nor will the age of plenty begin, without the persistent, faithful, and above all fearless exertions of the British an American systems of society.

In the last ten days the situation has greatly changed as the result f decisions which must have been taken some time ago. Instead of a calm discussion f broad and long-term tendencies we now find ourselves in the presence of swiftly moving events which no one can measure at the moment. I may be called upon to speak about the new situation when I get back home.

There are however a few things I am bound to say to-night lest a good cause should suffer by default. If any words that I have spoken have commanded attention, that is only because they find an echo in the breasts of those of every land and race who love freedom and are the foes of tyranny. I certainly will not allow anything said by others to weaken by regard and admiration for the Russian people or my earnest desire that Russia should be safe and prosperous and should take an honoured place in the van of the World Organisation. Whether she will do so or not depends only on the decisions taken by the handful of able men who, under their renowned chief, hold all the 180 million Russians, and many more millions outside Russia, in their grip. We all remember what frightful losses Russia suffered in the Hitlerite invasion and how she survived and emerged triumphant from injuries greater than have ever been inflicted on any other community. There is deep and widespread sympathy throughout the English-speaking world for the people of Russia and an absolute readiness to work with them on fair and even terms to repair the ruin of the war in every country. If the Soviet Government does not take advantage of this sentiment, if on the contrary they discourage it, the responsibility will be entirely theirs.

There is for instance a very good way in which they could brush aside any speeches which they dislike. It is a way which is open to them now in the next fortnight. The British Government of which I was the head, signed a treaty with Russia and with Persia solemnly undertaking to respect the integrity and sovereignty of Persia and to evacuate that country by a certain date. This treaty was reaffirmed at Teheran by the Tri-partite Agreement signed by the Head of the Soviet Government, by the late President Roosevelt and by me. In fulfillment of this Agreement the United States and the British have already left that country. But we are told that the Soviet Government instead of leaving, are actually sending in more troops. Now this is one of those cases for which the United Nations Security Council was especially devised, and I am very glad to read in the newspapers that the Soviet representatives will attend the meeting of the Security Council which is to take place in New York on 25 March. By all means let the matter be thrashed out there and let respect be shown even by the greatest or more deeply-interested powers, to the conclusions of the Security Council. In this way the reign of world law and the international foundations of enduring peace would be immeasurably consolidated.

There is no reason why Soviet Russia should feel ill-rewarded for her efforts in the war. If her losses have been grievous, her gains have been magnificent. Her two tremendous antagonists, Germany and Japan, have been laid low. Japan was overthrown almost entirely by American arms. Russia recovered almost without striking a blow all that she lost to Japan forty years ago. In the west the Baltic states and a large part of Finland have been reincorporated in Russia. The Curzon Line is no longer questioned. Then we come to the Straits of the Dardanelles. I welcome the Russian flag on Russian ships on the high seas and oceans. I have always told our Soviet allies that Great Britain would support the revision of the Montreux Convention about the Straits. At Potsdam the Americans and British offered to Russia a joint guarantee of the complete freedom of the Straits in peace and war, whether for merchant ships or ships of war. To this guarantee Turkey would gladly have subscribed. But we were told that that was not enough. Russia must have a fortress inside the Straits, from which she could dominate Constantinople. But this is not to keep the Straits open but to give the power of closing them to a single nation. This is out of harmony with the principle urged by the United States representatives of the freedom of the great waterways of Europe, the Danube, the Rhine and other rivers, which run through many counties. At any rate, there was the offer and I have no doubt it is still open, and if Soviet Russia still persists in putting pressure on Turkey, the matter must in the first instance be pronounced upon by the United Nations Security Council. Thus early will come a very great test for the World Organisation on which so many hopes are founded.

It has been frequently observed in the last few days that there is a great measure of misunderstanding. I entirely agree with that. Could you have a greater example of misunderstanding than when we are told that the present British Government is not a free democratic government because it consists only of the representatives of a single party, whereas Poland, Rumania, Bulgaria and other countries have the representatives of several parties in their governments. But this also applies to the United States, where one party is in office and wields the executive power. All this argument overlooks the fact that democratic governments are based on free elections. The people choose freely and fairly the party they wish to have in office. They have every right to criticise that party, or the government based upon it and can change it by constitutional processes at any time they like or at frequent intervals. It can hardly be called a democratic election where the candidates of only one party are allowed to appear and where the voter has not eve the secrecy of the ballot to protect him. These misunderstandings will be swept away e get through the present difficult period safely and if the British, American and Russian peoples are allowed to mingle freely with one another and see how things are done in their respective countries. No doubt we all have much to learn from one another. I rejoice to read in the newspapers that there never were more Russian ships in New York harbour than there are to-night. I am sure you will give the Russian sailors a hearty welcome to the land of the free and the home of the brave.

Now I turn to the other part of my message-the relations between Great Britain and the United States. On these the life and freedom of the world depend. Unless they work together, in full loyalty to the Charter, the organisation of the United Nations will cease to have any reality. No one will be able to put his trust in it and the world will be left to the clash of nationalisms which have led us to two frightful wars. I have never asked for an Anglo-American military alliance or a treaty. I asked for something different and in a sense I asked for something more. I asked for fraternal association, free, voluntary, fraternal association. I have no doubt that it will come to pass, as surely ~s the sun will rise to-morrow. But you do not need a treaty to express the natural affinities and friendships which arise in a fraternal association. On the other hand, it would be wrong that the fact should be concealed or ignored. Nothing can prevent our nations drawing ever closer to one another and nothing can obscure the fact that, in their harmonious companionship, lies the main hope of the world instrument for maintaining peace on earth and goodwill to all men.

I thank you all profoundly for all your gracious kindness and hospitality to me during this visit I have paid to your shores. Mine is not the first voice raised within your spacious bounds in the cause of freedom and of peace. Nor will it be the last that will be encouraged by the broad tolerance of the American people. I come to you at a time when the United States stands at the highest point of majesty and power ever attained by any community since the fall of the Roman Empire. This imposes upon the American people a duty which cannot be rejected. With opportunities comes responsibility. Strength is granted to us all when we are needed to serve great causes. We in the British Commonwealth will stand at your side in powerful and faithful friendship, and in accordance with the World Charter, and together I am sure we shall succeed in lifting from the face of man the curse of war and the darker curse of tyranny. Thus will be opened even more broadly to the anxious toiling millions the gateways of happiness and freedom.